Freda would be more substantial if a

Freda Adler’s Liberation Theory (1975) theorizes
that the feminist movement, in their radical desire for increased
self-determination directly affect the increase of women’s criminal activity.
Here it is again, the distortion of social criterion of gender-specific roles
provide disturbing relegation of inadmissible ehavior, not only affecting the
person but also creates repellant disposition of actions against others, just
primarily to prove some skewed ideology of departing from a naturally
delineated and gender-specific orientations. Come years 1990 to 2000, (Bloom,
Owen and Covington 2003) there was a recorded increase of 81% of women were
criminally institutionalized in the United States, this is despite the overall
decline of crime rates.  It is not
implied however that the feminist movement point only to continuous accretion
of criminality among women, as the movement have successfully gained
transformative impact in taking possession opportunities and privileges only
the male gender previously dominates.  It
is therefore important that feminist criminology will not be limited to
managing the women in correctional facilities with a limited definition of
punishment, psychological control and assertion of correctional policies as a
means to rehabilitate, but also to see the women’s standpoint, the cultural,
gendered and classist underpinnings of their lives (Pollack 2004).  The correctional system can create sophisticated
designs intended for reformation towards predetermined and expected outcome but
it would be more substantial if a social program is defined so that women with
predispositions to committing criminal acts are prevented and helped.  There is no logical argument that can go
against the principle of prevention and leaving out the women out of prison

Freda Adler and Rita Simon notes that “Women are discriminated against on the
basis of their sex; denied access to same political, financial, career, and
personal opportunities as men” Pollack’s statement complements this societal
gendered differentiation where women who commit fraud and prostitution define
their transgressions of governmental statute as a learned and modelled culture
to escape poverty. With fewer opportunities that men have in maintaining a
sustainable resource for basic needs in socially acceptable mechanisms, these
women would rather resort to lawlessness, rather than submit to a consequence
that imply dependence to men and thus represent a lesser ability to survive the
rigors of living. Balfour further postulates that feminist criminology should
consider “repositioning women’s narrative” driven by conceptual modalities of
gender equality proponents, therefore retreating progressions of pre-defined
social roles of men and women, departing from natural prepositions
intrinsically defined by biological and psychological distinction between men
and women. These differentiations have to be seen through an objective
perspective and should not in any way be viewed with a perverted derogation or
dominance of a gender.

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all the public criticisms and disputes in regards to women taking matters into
their own accounts, is the issues that arise from a racial standpoint. Shoshana
Pollack, has made a clear point in moving beyond the victimization of women’s’
lives to actually understanding the conditions of what women have to live
through. Pollack has taken it upon herself to act as a conduit, to voice black
women who have been deemed “out of control” or are treatment prone. But the
argument of women’s questionable role in society is deeply rooted within the publics
core. Another example of rebellious deeds and pride is sourced from a strong
woman’s standpoint; claiming that culture, gender and race is of great
importance and should not be taken for granted. “There are certain things I won’t
do, because that’s not me. I’d rather go out and steal a turkey, before I’d ask
a man to buy me a turkey” (Quoted in Pollack 2000). Another major factor that
arises from a feminist criminology was it being a new type of criminology study.
The Marxist theory and the outstanding conflicts from intellectual roots, views
crime as oppression when it ties in with gender, race and class oppression. At
this point in time, political unrest and the swift change of social norms had heavily
impacted society’s view on the women’s liberation movement. The existing ideologies
were greatly challenged, alongside anti-war and civil rights movements.

power is one of many key components to a feminist criminology. One must first understand
the relationship between gender roles and its functionality in society. Pride
and prejudice transcends humiliation and has been a reoccurring theme in
criminological research. (Albert Cohen, 1955). A clear example of prideful acts
over a range of feminist viewpoints are from what Margaret Shaw illustrates.
She claims that, the issue is not about women hating men, or recognizing
themselves as victims; but more so the fact that women need to be heard alongside
their consciousness. It is easily apparent that males have committed more
offences and has been deemed more importance in criminology. This readjustment
of focus has been under the spotlight only until the 70’s. The field that was
built in part to aid the improvement of analyzing of why people commit criminal
deeds is so that policies are implemented to reduce criminal actions. Women
have been ignored for decades due to the lack of public interest. Furthermore,
criminology has continued to developed into an accepted viewpoint in
criminology. But however, feminist criminology has a tendency to mislead people
in regards to its theoretical perspectives and methodologies that sculpts the
experience of gender roles and its vast range of issues related to women and

subject area of women’s history has increasingly gained acceptance and have
grown closer to the center of historical profession. Gender has been integrated
into some general history texts, courses and far more departments. Furthermore,
early 1970s Canada saw a crisis of production that paved the way to a
neo-liberal economic model (Ratner and McMullan, 1983). Neo-liberal economics
were concomitantly legitimated by a neo-conservative political ideology that
solidified a reactionary criminal justice system. It was also argued that
street crime was brought on by “permissive people victimizing decent citizens”.
Women in criminology struggled with watching activism for decades. Within this
time frame, the feminist project re-shifted towards politics of identity. In
addition, North American feminism has also decoupled culture from the political
economy just as neo-liberalism uprising.


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